[I]t is probably no exaggeration to say that every important advance in economic theory
during the last hundred years was a further step in the consistent application of
subjectivism. That the objects of economic activity cannot be defined in objective terms
but only with reference to a human purpose goes without saying. Hayek, 1955: 52-53,
italic added)
We are not here concerned, however, with the specific problems of economics, but with
the results of conscious human action. The points which start from what men think and
mean to do: from the fact that the individuals which compose society are guided in their
actions by a classification of things or events according to a system of sense qualities and
of concepts which has a common structure and which we know because we, too, are
men; and that concrete knowledge which different individuals possess will differ in
important respects. Not only man’s action toward external objects but also all the
relations between men and all the social institutions can be understood only by what men
think about them. Society as we know it is, as it were, built up from the concepts and
ideas held by people; and social phenomena can be recognized by us and have meaning to
us only as they are reflected in the minds of men. (Hayek, 1955: 57-58).
Many works exist explaining the origins and development of the Austrian School of Economics (for
example Vaughn, 1994), so this need not be dealt with here. Rather, my specific focus will be on
the meaning and implications of subjectivism, for economics and social theory in general.
As the two quotations from Hayek above make clear, what started with Menger in 1871 as a
As the two quotations from Hayek above make clear, what started with Menger in 1871 as a discourse about the origin and meaning of “value” has significant implications for social-science in general. The subjectivism of value shapes the way in which we are bound to investigate human action and interaction, namely, through understanding the minds of our subjects, their purposes and the means employed to achieve them. Moreover we are bound further to explore this in terms of the way acting individuals come to understand their own purposes and the means to their achievement, that is, through the shared mental constructs that emerge from what we normally think of as social institutions. And, in this investigation, we are aided by the fact that we share with our subjects their humanity, the structure of their brains, the mode of their thinking. Yet, this method of study does not, cannot, yield knowledge of kind that will allow us to predict the concrete unfolding of human events. This is because, the centrality of the human mind and the knowledge that it contains being at the wellspring of all human action, establishes firmly the importance that individuals, and their idiosyncratic expectations, play in the decision making process, leading us to the inexorable conclusion that neither we, nor the acting subjects we study, can have perfect knowledge of the future. Expectations are bound to be disappointed. Errors arepart of life, and they cannot be fully known before their occurrence. From the subjectivism of value to the subjectivism of expectations, and in-between, lies the rich heritage of the subjectivist revolution that was started by Menger in 1871 and is not yet concluded. We begin with an outline of the key players in this revolution. 2 2 The Austrian School of Economics: Dramatis Personae Carl Menger – value is subjective Subjectivism is an idea that extends beyond economics into philosophy and sociology and beyond, and there appears little doubt that the influence of the economist Carl Menger was foundational in this regard. In his two major works (1871, 1883) Menger grappled with the subjectivism of value2 and the implications of this for scientific investigation in the social sciences. Menger is immortalized within the mainstream of economics as a member of the troika of Menger, Leon Walras and William Stanley Jevons, who, independently, “discovered” marginal utility, thus resolving the mystery of the origin of value (aka. the diamond-water paradox), and produced the neoclassical or marginalist revolution which changed economics forever. In significant respects, however, Menger’s contribution was more radically subjective than that of his revolutionary coincidental teammates (see Jaffe, 1976), and because of this, he is known as well, and more importantly, as the founder of the Austrian School of Economics. The most important identifying aspect of the Austrian School is the rigor with which it embraces the subjectivism of value and subjectivism more generally.
In a discussion of subjectivism, two important aspects of Menger’s foundational work deserve emphasis. First, the neoclassical economists have never fully appreciated the implications of the 2 "Value is thus nothing inherent in goods, no property of them, nor an independent thing existing by itself. It is a judgment economizing men make about the importance of the goods at their disposal for the maintenance of their lives and well-being. Hence value does not exist outside the consciousness of men." Menger, 1951, p. 121. 3 3 subjectivism of value for their subject, and have departed dramatically from the path along which his insights pointed. This has become even more manifest in the current period. Modern economic discourse, while jettisoning the classical presumption that value was determined by costs of production, and embracing the truth that all value derives from the (subjective) appraisals of consumers of produced goods and services, have stopped short of facing up to the full implications of the subjectivism of value. To do so would be to admit the problematic nature of much of modern economic discussion and research. For example, the subjectivism of value points directly to the notion of opportunity cost as the (imagined) value lost by the decision-maker in choosing one course of action over another. More specifically, it is the value of the most valuable alternative given up by the choice made. As such, opportunity cost, which is acknowledged by economists generally to be the only valid conception of cost, will vary with decision-makers’ appraisals of the alternatives sacrificed and the individual valuations of said alternatives; there will be as many “costs” as there are decision-makers, which explains how it is that different people, appraising the same reality, will often form very different economic assessments of any given prospect.3 Modern economic practice finds this inconvenient and tends to avoid dealing with such disparate appraisals by assuming that all the relevant decision-makers share common knowledge and draw the same conclusions about value. This, in effect, negates the significance of subjectivism in economics; it surreptitiously retains the fallacies of objectivist classical economics. I will expand on this below. The second important aspect of Menger’s treatment of subjectivism concerns the claim that his subjectivist revolution was incomplete (see Lachmann, 1978) – in two respects. Firstly, Menger seemed to think that human “needs” had a sort of objective essence, so that one could objectively judge the correctness or otherwise of an individual’s attempt to satisfy certain needs (Menger, 1871: 121)4. (This anticipates aspects of modern behaviorist economics). This part of Menger’s work is correctly regarded as inconsistent with his thoroughgoing subjectivism, it is an aberration, and has been mostly disregarded by the members of the Austrian School. Secondly, Menger’s subjectivism of value has profound implications for the methods appropriate to and the potential of investigation in the social sciences. This is the subject of Menger’s second seminal work, Investigations (1883), the work that provoked that hostile reaction in his academic contemporaries in Germany that became known as the Metodenstreit. Menger articulated the different nature of ‘exact laws’ in the social sciences as compared with the natural sciences. In the social sciences we derive laws from our understanding of human reasoning and valuation – laws that are valid for all human societies and not bound by special historical circumstances (as contended by his Historical School opponents) (see Caldwell 2004). In this work we see the beginnings of the full-blown subjectivist study of human action, to be greatly elaborated by the later Austrians, most notably Mises and Hayek
As Lachmann was to point out, the subjectivism of value implies the subjectivism of expectations, and while the revolutionary nature of the former is widely acknowledged, the latter is not. Though he does not explore its implications, we can justifiably claim that Menger indeed does realize the connection between subjective value and the subjectivism of expectations (1871: 67-70). As we shall see, delving into the subjectivism of expectations has resulted in the opening of a veritable 3 For an extended treatment see Buchanan, 1979. 4 “Menger tells us, to be sure, that men frequently misjudge the order of their wants. But as we can only misjudge that which exists objectively, the subjectivism of our conscious minds contrasts sharply with the objective, almost physiological, nature of our wants.” Lachmann 1973: 58. 4 4 Pandora’s box of fruitful and alarming implications. Thus, what began with Menger did not stop with him, and although he clearly did not and could not anticipate all that would follow from his lead, in an important respect Austrian Economics, at least in its subjectivist aspects, is Mengerian economics. Let us look then at how faithfully his disciples adhered to the Mengerian subjectivist vision. The first generation: Böhm- Bawerk and Wieser The first generation of the Austrian School following Menger consisted of the two prominent Austrian economists Eugen von Böhm- Bawerk and Frederich von Wieser. Friederich von Wieser – value when knowledge is common Wieser’s work (1893, 1914) is characterized by a thorough investigation of the concept of subjective value – expressed as utility. To Wieser we owe a thorough examination of the concepts of marginal utility and opportunity cost, now standard terms in economic theory. We owe to him
As the two quotations from Hayek above make clear, what started with Menger in 1871 as a discourse about the origin and meaning of “value” has significant implications for social-science in general. The subjectivism of value shapes the way in which we are bound to investigate human action and interaction, namely, through understanding the minds of our subjects, their purposes and the means employed to achieve them. Moreover we are bound further to explore this in terms of the way acting individuals come to understand their own purposes and the means to their achievement, that is, through the shared mental constructs that emerge from what we normally think of as social institutions. And, in this investigation, we are aided by the fact that we share with our subjects their humanity, the structure of their brains, the mode of their thinking. Yet, this method of study does not, cannot, yield knowledge of kind that will allow us to predict the concrete unfolding of human events. This is because, the centrality of the human mind and the knowledge that it contains being at the wellspring of all human action, establishes firmly the importance that individuals, and their idiosyncratic expectations, play in the decision making process, leading us to the inexorable conclusion that neither we, nor the acting subjects we study, can have perfect knowledge of the future. Expectations are bound to be disappointed. Errors arepart of life, and they cannot be fully known before their occurrence. From the subjectivism of value to the subjectivism of expectations, and in-between, lies the rich heritage of the subjectivist revolution that was started by Menger in 1871 and is not yet concluded. We begin with an outline of the key players in this revolution. 2 2 The Austrian School of Economics: Dramatis Personae Carl Menger – value is subjective Subjectivism is an idea that extends beyond economics into philosophy and sociology and beyond, and there appears little doubt that the influence of the economist Carl Menger was foundational in this regard. In his two major works (1871, 1883) Menger grappled with the subjectivism of value2 and the implications of this for scientific investigation in the social sciences. Menger is immortalized within the mainstream of economics as a member of the troika of Menger, Leon Walras and William Stanley Jevons, who, independently, “discovered” marginal utility, thus resolving the mystery of the origin of value (aka. the diamond-water paradox), and produced the neoclassical or marginalist revolution which changed economics forever. In significant respects, however, Menger’s contribution was more radically subjective than that of his revolutionary coincidental teammates (see Jaffe, 1976), and because of this, he is known as well, and more importantly, as the founder of the Austrian School of Economics. The most important identifying aspect of the Austrian School is the rigor with which it embraces the subjectivism of value and subjectivism more generally.
In a discussion of subjectivism, two important aspects of Menger’s foundational work deserve emphasis. First, the neoclassical economists have never fully appreciated the implications of the 2 "Value is thus nothing inherent in goods, no property of them, nor an independent thing existing by itself. It is a judgment economizing men make about the importance of the goods at their disposal for the maintenance of their lives and well-being. Hence value does not exist outside the consciousness of men." Menger, 1951, p. 121. 3 3 subjectivism of value for their subject, and have departed dramatically from the path along which his insights pointed. This has become even more manifest in the current period. Modern economic discourse, while jettisoning the classical presumption that value was determined by costs of production, and embracing the truth that all value derives from the (subjective) appraisals of consumers of produced goods and services, have stopped short of facing up to the full implications of the subjectivism of value. To do so would be to admit the problematic nature of much of modern economic discussion and research. For example, the subjectivism of value points directly to the notion of opportunity cost as the (imagined) value lost by the decision-maker in choosing one course of action over another. More specifically, it is the value of the most valuable alternative given up by the choice made. As such, opportunity cost, which is acknowledged by economists generally to be the only valid conception of cost, will vary with decision-makers’ appraisals of the alternatives sacrificed and the individual valuations of said alternatives; there will be as many “costs” as there are decision-makers, which explains how it is that different people, appraising the same reality, will often form very different economic assessments of any given prospect.3 Modern economic practice finds this inconvenient and tends to avoid dealing with such disparate appraisals by assuming that all the relevant decision-makers share common knowledge and draw the same conclusions about value. This, in effect, negates the significance of subjectivism in economics; it surreptitiously retains the fallacies of objectivist classical economics. I will expand on this below. The second important aspect of Menger’s treatment of subjectivism concerns the claim that his subjectivist revolution was incomplete (see Lachmann, 1978) – in two respects. Firstly, Menger seemed to think that human “needs” had a sort of objective essence, so that one could objectively judge the correctness or otherwise of an individual’s attempt to satisfy certain needs (Menger, 1871: 121)4. (This anticipates aspects of modern behaviorist economics). This part of Menger’s work is correctly regarded as inconsistent with his thoroughgoing subjectivism, it is an aberration, and has been mostly disregarded by the members of the Austrian School. Secondly, Menger’s subjectivism of value has profound implications for the methods appropriate to and the potential of investigation in the social sciences. This is the subject of Menger’s second seminal work, Investigations (1883), the work that provoked that hostile reaction in his academic contemporaries in Germany that became known as the Metodenstreit. Menger articulated the different nature of ‘exact laws’ in the social sciences as compared with the natural sciences. In the social sciences we derive laws from our understanding of human reasoning and valuation – laws that are valid for all human societies and not bound by special historical circumstances (as contended by his Historical School opponents) (see Caldwell 2004). In this work we see the beginnings of the full-blown subjectivist study of human action, to be greatly elaborated by the later Austrians, most notably Mises and Hayek
As Lachmann was to point out, the subjectivism of value implies the subjectivism of expectations, and while the revolutionary nature of the former is widely acknowledged, the latter is not. Though he does not explore its implications, we can justifiably claim that Menger indeed does realize the connection between subjective value and the subjectivism of expectations (1871: 67-70). As we shall see, delving into the subjectivism of expectations has resulted in the opening of a veritable 3 For an extended treatment see Buchanan, 1979. 4 “Menger tells us, to be sure, that men frequently misjudge the order of their wants. But as we can only misjudge that which exists objectively, the subjectivism of our conscious minds contrasts sharply with the objective, almost physiological, nature of our wants.” Lachmann 1973: 58. 4 4 Pandora’s box of fruitful and alarming implications. Thus, what began with Menger did not stop with him, and although he clearly did not and could not anticipate all that would follow from his lead, in an important respect Austrian Economics, at least in its subjectivist aspects, is Mengerian economics. Let us look then at how faithfully his disciples adhered to the Mengerian subjectivist vision. The first generation: Böhm- Bawerk and Wieser The first generation of the Austrian School following Menger consisted of the two prominent Austrian economists Eugen von Böhm- Bawerk and Frederich von Wieser. Friederich von Wieser – value when knowledge is common Wieser’s work (1893, 1914) is characterized by a thorough investigation of the concept of subjective value – expressed as utility. To Wieser we owe a thorough examination of the concepts of marginal utility and opportunity cost, now standard terms in economic theory. We owe to him
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